Opinion

Why did the commenters like the slap given to Macron?

Why did the commenters like the slap given to Macron?

By Kristofor Hasko / It was unusual to see a global leader slapped in the face of a crowd of smiles and the politician's confidence that he would shake hands with supporters and people "fascinated" by his presidential shadow . But for a young man in France this was not the moment for a selfie to be remembered or to get likes on social media, but the occasion to give a strong message.
Përveç ngjarjes, ajo që bie në sy pas saj është fakti që rrjetet sociale në Shqipëri, por edhe jashtë saj kanë reaguar në mbështetje të aktit. Reagimet me emoji që qeshin janë mbizotëruese në lajmin e shpërndarë nga mediat dhe komentet janë plot ironi për Macron dhe përgëzime për të riun që e goditi. Të shumtë janë ata që “shfrenojnë” fantazinë duke kërkuar edhe më shumë dhunë kundër tij, por edhe figurave të tjera publike.


Shumëkush do të priste që të kishte revoltë dhe dënim të aktit, por në shumicë dërrmuese komentuesit as nuk lodhen të pretendojnë se “si veprim nuk më pëlqeu, por...”, komentuesve u pëlqen veprimi, nuk e fshehin, madje janë krenarë ta ndajnë këtë qëndrim me gjithë botën.


Përse ky reagim? Pikë së pari ajo që vihet re edhe nga përmbajtja e komenteve është se shpulla përkundrejt Macron është dhe një shpullë metaforike përkundrejt klasës politike dhe liderëve në të gjithë botën. Tek ky veprim njerëzit kanalizojnë frustrimin e tyre me lidershipin politik dhe imagjinojnë personazhin e tyre më pak të preferuar të skenës publike si objektin e shpullës. Kjo është evidente në komentet e shumta ku shkruhet “kështu u duhet bërë këtyre (në shumës)”, apo “shumë mirë, të fillojmë më këta tanët tani” etj.


Psikologu social, Graham Wallas e shpjegon më së miri këtë impuls në librin e tij “Natyra Njerëzore në Politikë”. Sipas Wallas, çdo shqetësim që njerëzit kanë në jetën e tyre të përditshme mishërohet në figurat e politikanëve dhe liderëve të shtetit për dy arsye. Së pari, për shkak se nuk marrim kohën të analizojmë se çfarë realisht shkaktoi bllokimin e trafikut, rritjen e çmimeve në treg apo probleme të tjera që kërkojnë sofistikim për t’u përballur dhe është e thjeshtë që gjithçka t’i faturohet individualisht liderëve. Së dyti, janë vetë politikanët që me petkun e të gjithëditurit dhe mirëbërësit tërheqin këtë lloj vëmëndjeje negative, pasi portretizimi i tyre dhe politikave që ata mbrojnë dhe realiteti janë në konstrast të dukshëm.


Macron is more protagonist in the public imagination than other European leaders, as he created a political party with his initials "En Marche" and styled himself a new "Napoleon" who would unite France and lead Europe, in a time when BREXIT and Trump had shaken the foundations of the status quo in Europe and the world.


Exactly this winning formula of 2017, is a colossal minus for him today, as he is neither left nor right and consequently does not enjoy the support of any ideological group. He is globalist and Europhile making the right dislike him. It removes funding from the welfare state (a French political tradition that has historically been far left in the economic sphere) and has been harsh on both immigration and European integration policies, as it has more than once blocked the opening of negotiations because of the role taken "as a defender of Europe", thus making them unpopular with the left.


Exactly on the issue of integration, he has been one of the most skeptical leaders, although he initially pledged to be in favor of the EU advancing towards the Western Balkans and has repeatedly blocked the opening of negotiations. It seems that this has not been forgotten by the Albanian public that at least on social networks supports the swipe given to him.


This antipathy towards Macron does not match the historical connection between Albania and France that originated from the French Lyceum, which turned our country into one of the most French-speaking countries in the region and the stable diplomatic ties that were maintained during the communist regime. while the dictator Hoxha himself studied there. President Jacques Chirac was celebrated as a man who not only supported the allies in the Kosovo war, but also guaranteed the right of residence and integration in France to thousands of refugees from the conflict in the former Yugoslavia. Sarkozy with his way of communication, the diplomatic skills for which he is famous, managed to be popular and although he belonged to the Republican Party he was always a promoter of integration and never publicly opposed against our country.


Further, even on the personal plane, Macron detaches himself from the profile of the politician who may be liked in a somewhat traditional society like ours. He has been married to his teacher for 26 years and all indications are that the relationship started when Macron was still a minor, something that can hardly be chewed as normal even by the most liberal and progressive in our society.


Taken together, these facts make Macron the least popular president of France in the eyes of Albanians, at least in the reactions of the public, ranking behind the leaders of the right who, with their policies of the day, build bridges with Albania, a state that just as France tends mostly towards the ideological left.


One thing is sure. Politicians will think twice before enthusiastically heading towards a crowd that does not know what the composition is, as the act has inspired quite a bit of network support.



Tiranapost.al