Opinion

What should we worry about ...

...dhe për çka është dashur të shqetësohemi në 20 vitet e fundit?

What should we worry about ...

By Enver Robelli / Who is worried now, he should have been worried when last year the Special Court sent an invitation even to the Minister of Justice of the Republic of Kosovo, who is not a figure of war.

Anyone who is worried now has to worry about reports that the body of this or that person who may have witnessed or may have had information about someone was found in a forest or in a field. (Why are these cases almost never clarified by justice in Kosovo?)

Whoever is worried now, should have been worried even when the American ambassador in December 2017 said: "Kosovo is stabbing us in the back" (referring to the drama of the dissolution of the Special Court).

Those who are worried now have to worry even when the foreign mission courts have convicted people of torturing prisoners in illegal prisons in northern Albania.

Who cares now, has had to worry about about 60 killings of LDK activists after the war. Almost none of them were discovered, as if lightning had killed these people.

Who cares now, had to worry when the Council of Europe in a 2011 report said the most dangerous thing in Kosovo is to be a witness.

Who cares now has to worry even when in 2011 Kosovo's top politicians told the Western press: take you and protect the witnesses, because we can't do that here. Whoever says this, accepts capitulation, acknowledges the state's inability to guarantee the minimum functioning of the law: the protection of witnesses.

Who cares now, had to worry when people came out on the streets and with placards made public the names of protected witnesses.

Who cares now, had to worry when "comrades of the war" all these years tried to dig a hole for each other to save themselves ("you killed him", "no, you killed this", as if it were potatoes). And all these morbid conversations took place directly in the media, in the Assembly, on Facebook.

Those who are worried now have to worry even when local judges apologize to the accused because they had to be convicted of some crime.

Who cares now, had to worry when in the Assembly of Kosovo the deputies accused each other of disappearing comrades of the war.

Who cares now has had to worry when one of the leaders of a warring party accused the chairman of another warring party that he had created dizzying fortunes and even had villas in Dubai. After the war, the chance to enrich some blinded the eyes of some liberators.

Whoever is worried now should have been worried even when one fighter said to the other, "Turn the scythe over and let politics go," as part of the controversy over who is blackmailing whom with recordings from wartime.

Those who are worried now should have been worried when Haki Imeri, Smajl Hajdaraj, Ismet Rraci, Ekrem Rexha (Commander Drini), Xhemail Mustafa were killed.

Who cares now, had to worry when "justice" was reduced to chamber meetings with conspiracies after 40 or 100 elders.

Who cares now, had to worry even when in 2014 prosecutor Clint Williamson, when asked who could be charged, said there should be no big fantasy, mostly those who have been mentioned by name in the Council of Europe report.

Whoever is worried now, has had to worry about many mistakes, omissions, crimes, scandals and scandals that have accompanied Kosovo for 20 years.

Whoever is worried now, should have worried much earlier, because this Kosovo as it is today, in the political impasse, has not been created for a day.

Whoever is worried now should have been worried when justice was tried to be sabotaged.

Who cares now, should have been concerned when for years the issue of Albanian missing persons in Serbia has not enjoyed the proper priority in our state affairs.

Who cares now has to worry even when human rights activists have leveled serious allegations against Serbian officers, and Kosovo still continues to simulate the well-intentioned interlocutor in Brussels.

Who cares now, had to worry even when our Albanian politicians with their inferiority influenced the "normalization of the abnormal" by taking it as something quite common that interlocutors from the Serbian side were people who in the late 90s were the pillars of the regime of Slobodan Milosevic.

Who cares now, had to worry when before the fate of thousands of people was illuminated Kosovo signed a "historic agreement" on footnotes and other tricks in Brussels.

Who cares now, had to worry when Kosovo officials saw the vardis against Serbian officials of Slobodan Milosevic's time as a national achievement enough to receive a compliment from the ignorant Italian diplomat Federica Mogherini.

Those who are worried now have had to worry when decisions were made that could severely damage the credibility of the state of Kosovo - for example, electing people to high positions knowing that they may have problems with the law.

But the anxiety (even if it happened) was not enough once, it is not enough today. Because after worrying, action must follow. No action has been taken to avoid many evils. Often personal or group interests have been more important than state interests.

For the state of Kosovo, however, it is a big stain that for two decades the prime minister, the speaker of parliament and the head of state are facing charges from international justice.

A section of Kosovo society (a minority, unfortunately, because the political scene in 1999 was no less divisive than it is today) has seen the world respond to the war imposed by the Serbian terror regime with rifles. . This has been and remains a legitimate right. A legitimate battle in which the international community, the West, became a weapon partner with Kosovo Albanians. American and German, French and Spanish, Italian and Dutch. And many others. This should never be forgotten - especially today in a delicate situation for Kosovo, when many emotions are rightly boiling, but there are also many fans of conspiracy theories.

Now that they have been mentioned as a possible target of justice, it is good to focus on removing the "black clouds" that have been hovering over Kosovo for many years. When the amendment of the Constitution and the establishment of the Special Court were approved by the parliament, its supporters said that this was being done to remove the "black clouds" on the liberation war. As early as 2015, one of the founders of the Kosovo Liberation Army in the Swiss newspaper "SonntagsZeitung" said: "After the war we made terrible mistakes." He pointed out that his comrades-in-arms, meanwhile, are so financially strong that no opposition can change this democracy, which has only a façade - to then build a functioning state. "We need," said the insider, "a new political force that loves this country rich in underground wealth and is ready to radically dismantle this political caste, and for that it enjoys the massive support of the West."

Before the keyboards of computers and mobile phones were erased by writing supposedly patriotic messages that in 2020 cost nothing, it would be good to think of a category that can no longer speak: victims. Because without the victim no court would have been established. Victims exist, have names, surnames, families, belong to different ethnicities. In public life there should be room for remembrance of the past, especially for the victims, but, of course, also for the heroes.

There must be justice for the victims! And this issue should be a priority in future negotiations with Serbia. 11,000 killed - this is the blood feud that Kosovo has paid for the criminal machinery of Belgrade. As for Kosovo: no social group can grab public space and history with an exclusive narrative. Guilt is individual and cannot be collectivized and clothed throughout Kosovo or its history. The state is above individuals. No one can behave like a state owner. Or as his robber. Responsibility, wisdom and constitutional patriotism are needed. The glorification of a narrative and the silence of other accompanying truths of this narrative unfolds a society without empathy for the victims. How can a society be good if there are no sensitivities for the victims, including compatriots?

It is impossible to talk for years about unexplained murders, to become political and to gather electoral points, but at the same time to do nothing to face this chapter, because a large part of society has always hoped that this chapter will eventually it can only be enlightened by foreigners, as Western Europeans and Americans are called in Kosovo.

There may be an attempt to dismantle all the courts, but this will only pave the way for the international community to legalize the Hague-based Special Court as a UN tribunal. Justice professors who are judges at the Special Court say this is possible following the example of Lebanon. Then there would be Russian, Chinese and Chinese prosecutors, judges and investigators in that court. There have been such ideas for a long time, but Europeans and Americans have been against the interests of Kosovo and the West, and recently the West has made a significant contribution to the establishment of this state, although the most expensive price for freedom has been paid by Albanians. But no one, neither Europeans nor Americans who believe in justice, and especially in transitional justice, can be expected to understand whether a group sabotages justice, and from time to time people die in completely unknown circumstances and then it is agreed. that they may have been witnesses or figures with a lot of information on the dark sides of the past.